Dentists, doctors, real-estate agents, beer and wine producers, accountants, banks and a long list of others apparently can't resist a lawmaker with a cool title. When it comes to asking for campaign contributions around Capitol Square, few lines work better than, "Hi, I'm the speaker of the House."

When House Democrats picked up seven seats in November to take a 53-46 majority, it marked the first time in 14 years that a legislative chamber switched political parties, giving Ohioans a fresh look at how major Statehouse players react when the new family moves in.

A Dispatch analysis found that of the 30 top political-action committee contributors to House Republicans in the 2007-08 election cycle, 24 are now throwing a majority of their financial support to the Democrats.

"It illustrates pretty aptly the old adage that you have no friends in politics, just co-conspirators," said Rep. Jay Hottinger, R-Newark, who saw the situation work in reverse during his freshman year in 1995, when Republicans ended the Democrats' two-decade rule of the House.

After being out-raised by substantial margins for years, the House Democratic caucus brought in more than $2.2 million through the first half of 2009, more than double the take for Republicans.

Democrats are riding tremendous support from labor unions, which make up eight of their top nine PAC contributors. But they also are finding it easier to raise money from other deep-pocketed special interests that for years helped keep Republicans in the majority.

"I think it speaks to our leadership and the work we've done so far," said Rep. Tracy Heard, D-Columbus, a member of the House Democratic leadership team. "We had to make some difficult decisions, and as the public watched that we were governing and Republicans were politicking."

But others say there is a simpler explanation.

"Money follows power," said Paul Beck, Ohio State University political-science professor. "Most business groups are very much inclined to want to have conversations with who is in power."

Beck and others say that above all else, political contributions buy access to key lawmakers. Party leaders, meanwhile, know exactly how much money groups gave to the other team when it was in power.

"Legislative leaders and those responsible for raising money are not at all reluctant to twist arms and put the pressure on," Beck said.

FirstEnergy was the House GOP's top committee donor in the most-recent cycle, giving 77 percent of its $311,000 in contributions to Republicans. But in 2009, the company has virtually split its $85,500 in donations between the two parties.

Ohio Realtors and the Wholesale Beer and Wine Association, which combined to give $379,000 to House Republicans last cycle, have so far this year given more than 80 percent of their money to Democrats.

"Like most groups, our political advocacy dollars naturally follow the party in the majority because there is more of them," said Barbara Benton, vice president of governmental affairs for the Ohio Society of Certified Public Accountants. Plus, Democrats "brought many moderate, pro-business members to the table, and our giving reflects that mind-set."

Benton added: "The people in the majority control the agenda and they have the power to make decisions that affect CPAs. Our giving reflects that."

But not every group is following the power.

"We will not feed the alligators hoping we're the last one eaten," said Tom Stewart, executive vice president of the Ohio Oil and Gas Association, which continues to give nearly all of its money to House Republicans.

"Even though we were asked and pressure was applied to our PAC to step up more for the other party, particularly in the House, when we asked them their views on the development of energy resources in Ohio, they were unable to explain what their views were," he said.

"We are facing huge challenges. But we're not going to get there by prostituting ourselves."

Rep. Matt Huffman, R-Lima, chairman of the Ohio House Republican Organizational Committee, said that by raising $1 million, nearly double what then-minority Democrats raised in 2007, the caucus showed it's serious about retaking the majority.

"It was our expectation that it would be more difficult to raise money out of (Capitol) Square," he said.

Outside of PACs, House Republicans are still finding big support from some wealthy individual givers, such as Leo Hawk, chairman of American Trim in Lima ($80,000); charter schools operator David Brennan of Akron ($44,000); and American Financial Group chairman Carl Lindner of Cincinnati ($25,000).

Individuals, observers say, tend to be more ideological and thus more willing to stick with a particular party.

Hottinger, who until this year has spent his career in the majority, called it a "humbling experience" to see groups he has helped over the years pour money into the campaigns of fresh-faced Democrats.

"When you go from the majority to the minority, there are far fewer people at your fundraisers. I think you appreciate those people more," he said. "We wouldn't be human if we didn't recognize who was there and who is no longer there."

jsiegel@dispatch.com